Iby Martin Stewart-Weeks
t is instructive in these unpredictable times to consider the
answer to a simple question: Is
government part of the solution or part of the problem?
For some, the answer is easy. Governments around the world
intervene to save the banking
and insurance systems, bail out car makers, cut taxes, and pump
cash into the pockets of
consumers to refloat the imploding retail and housing sectors. So
the answer is pretty straightforward.
Not only is government part of the solution, there are few
alternatives in sight.
But the predictable answer may be misleading. While we are busy
rediscovering the virtues
of public action, the assumptions on which those virtues rely are
shifting. Mesmerized
by the comfortable swing of the pendulum between less government
and more government,
we havent noticed that this time the pendulum is swinging to a new
and unfamiliar
positiondifferent government.
The answer to the simple question at the beginning might be more
complicated than we
thought, more along these lines: Yes, government will be part of
the solution, but only as
long as it is prepared to change its approach and behavior, in some
cases quite profoundly. If it
doesnt accept that challenge, it will indeed become part of the
problem or at least increasingly
irrelevant to the search for effective responses to the problems
were trying to fix.
Edgecentricity
One idea weve been pondering
is the notion of a new model of governing,
complete with redesigned institutions
and practices, which we call
edgecentric. The world most certainly
does not need another silly word to
add to the groaning lexicon of obscure
management-speak, so what
does edgecentric mean and why might
it be a helpful description of an idea
that is especially well-suited to these
dramatic and unpredictable times?
The word is an attempt to capture
a powerful concept based on
a simple idea. Governments around
the world, as they look for ways to
respond more effectively to a set
of unprecedented economic, social,
and environmental challenges,
should start from an uncompromising
commitment to change the relationship
between the center and
the edge. The former is where governments
make laws, design policy
and programs, and determine funding,
and the latter is where people
live and want to exercise a level of
control over their own lives, where
communities flourish or flounder,
and where innovation and invention
thrive.
Traditionally, governing has been
a process obsessed with keeping power
and authority tightly controlled by
a small number of people and institutions
at the center. The problem,
though, is that everything about the
emerging context in which governments
operate suggests that the key
to success will be the ability to escape
that addiction.
If we are going to find solutions
to the complex tangle of problems
were trying to fix and, at the same
time, restore a level of confidence
in the governance arrangements we
seek to hold properly accountable,
we need to motivate a much more
robust and profound shift of power,
resources, and authority from the
center to the edge. Neither is necessarily
preeminent; each is important
and has a role to play.
In that sense, edgecentricity is an
idea, and a set of instincts and behaviors,
which can help governments
thrive in these dynamic and uncertain
times. The center will always matter
in some circumstances and for some
outcomes, but it has to wield its power
and authority in different ways, in
a new accommodation with the edge,
which is where more and more of the
things that matter will emanateinnovation,
empowerment, social capital,
and economic resilience.
Need to Accelerate Change
A year ago, many governments
around the world were experiencing
varying degrees of anxiety and fatigue
in pursuit of decades of reform,
but the global financial crisis seems
to have swept away all talk of the
public sectors capability and need
for reform. The pressure for urgent
actionany actionhas brought the
public sector back to center stage as
chief orchestrator of global financial
salvation. One consequence is
that the demand for quick action
has edged out the important focus
on change and underlying reform to
the systems, processes, and structures
of the public sector. Its as if weve
agreed we can either fix the current
crisis or go on reforming government
and the public sector, but we
cant do both at once.
The difficulty with that position
is that it risks missing a set of opportunities
(the importance of which,
ironically, the severity of the current
economic difficulties exaggerate) for
major systemic reform to the public
sector and new policy responses.
These are likely to prove more useful,
in the medium to longer term,
in building resilience into the very
economic and social structures we
are trying to rebuild.
The political and policy conundrum
facing many governments is
that the difficulties they face seem to
forgive the need for systemic reforms
to the machinery and culture of the
public sector, yet successful responses
to those very same difficulties will
only be sustained by exactly the opposite:
a deliberate commitment to
not only continue the reforms, but to
accelerate them.
The new U.S. administration offers
some hope that it understands
the peculiar opportunity that circumstances
have conspired to offer
to rediscover the power and potential
of public action and a strong, resilient
public realm and, at the same time,
to remake its animating assumptions
and practices.